The taming of Sinn Fein

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The taming of Sinn Fein
by Sara Burke and Vincent Browne
THE VILLAGE Thursday, February 23, 2006


Having espoused Marxism and nationalisations, Sinn Féin is now just a vaguely left-of-centre social democratic party. If Bertie Ahern needs to 'discover' a policy convergence between Fianna Fáil and Sinn Féin after the next election, he will have little difficulty
Thirty five years ago Sinn Féin (or Provisional Sinn Féin) was espousing Marxist ideas: public control of the means of production and exchange; the nationalisation of the banks and all key industries. They were also against foreigners owning land here and against the European Economic Community (EEC), as it was then. Fifteen years later, Sinn Féin was continuing to indulge in Marxist rhetoric, talking about the "robbery" of the working class, the abolition of capitalism and a democratic system of common or public ownership of key industries and institutions.

But by 1993 all that had toned down considerably. Capitalism was not to be abolished, there was no talk to publicly control of key industries, the banks were not to be nationalised, although there was to be a State bank. "decentralised socialism" was the buzz word.

Now EU membership is celebrated. The Financial Services Centre is extolled, lots about encouraging enterprise and the only radical note: increasing corporation profits tax from 12.5 per cent to 17 per cent.

In the trajectory from the "long war" to the everlasting peace, Sinn Féin has also moved from radical socialism to mildly left-of-centre social democracy, hardly different from the SDLP, for example.


1971: 'Eire Nua - the social and economic programme of Sinn Féin'

'Eire Nua' was published just after the split in the republican movement between what was known as Official Sinn Féin, led by Tomas MacGiolla (and Official IRA, led by Cathal Goulding) and Provisional Sinn Féin, led by Ruairí Ó Bradáigh (and Provisional IRA, led by Sean MacStiopháin). The "Officials" were regarded as Marxists who had "diverted" the republican movement away from the national question to economic and social issues in the 1960s. The Provisionals wanted to restore the central "mission" of the IRA: to drive the British from Ireland through force of arms.

Provisional Sinn Féin (now known simply as "Sinn Féin", led by Gerry Adams) was a mere adjunct to the Provisional IRA, a political "face" for what was almost entirely a military movement. They were not interested in politics but they did provide a few policy documents, largely to counter Official Sinn Féin claims they were conservative nationalists, happy with the status quo, economically and socially.

The vice-president of Sinn Féin, Daithí Ó Conaill (who was also one of the key leaders of the Provisional IRA), produced a document known as 'Eire Nua', part of which was their economic strategy. Ó Conaill and Ó Bradaigh were very committed to the idea of a "Federal Ireland", as advocated in the constitutional part of 'Eire Nua', but nobody paid much attention to the economic section.

'Eire Nua' opened with: "The constitution of Sinn Féin advocates not merely the complete overthrow of English rule in Ireland, but also the setting up of a Democratic Socialist Republic based on the Proclamation of 1916. Among our objectives are the establishment of a reign of social justice based on Christian principles by a just distribution and effective control of the nation's wealth and resources." The Christian principles reference was an important assurance to the Provisional rank and file who might have thought Provisional Sinn Féin was following Official Sinn Féin into atheistic communism.

'Eire Nua' said it was trying to strike a balance between Western individualism and capitalism, with its poor and hungry amid plenty, and Eastern Soviet State socialism, with its denial of freedom and human rights (the later was intended as a "dig" at Official Sinn Féin which then and subsequently had close ties with the Soviet Union and other communist states including North Korea, where many of them went on subsidised trips).

The document went on a lot about co-operatives and promoting indigenous industry. And there were peculiar bits including demands that the means of production and exchange of wealth must be controlled by the people and administered democratically; finance institutions and all key industries must be under state control including industry, agriculture and fisheries; the state must have complete control over the import or export of money; only resident citizens of the Republic will be allowed to own, purchase or lease land in Ireland; private enterprise will have a role to play but at a much smaller scale than to date; foreign power blocs and the EEC will be avoided; trade with neutral or smaller nations and with Africa and Asia will be expanded as "we have more in common with developing countries of the world where 2/3s live in poverty than with the rich club of former colonial powers in the EEC" (unfortunately, then as of now, they had no money to finance trade).

But nobody paid much attention to the economic strategy and the dept of commitment by the Provisional republican movement was very questionable.


'Sinn Féin Policy 1986'

By 1986 Ruairi Ó Bradáigh and Daithí Ó Conaill had been eclipsed in Sinn Féin and had lost their position in both it and IRA (both had been members of the IRA army council but by 1986 neither of them was). 'Eire Nua' was also formally abandoned and the new economics was intended to signal an end to the old political conservatism. Gerry Adams was very much the leader of the faction that took over both Sinn Féin and the IRA but economics was not still much to the forefront of concern.

The a rd fheis of that year ratified the strategy whereby Sinn Féin representatives elected to Dáil Éireann could take their seats there - up to then Sinn Féin had adopted an abstentionist stance, holding there was no legitimate Parliamentary institution in Ireland because of "British contrived" partition.

The 1986 policy document begins: "We believe that the present system of society is based upon the robbery of the working class and that capitalist property cannot exist without plundering labour; we desire to see capitalism abolished and a democratic system of common or public ownership erected instead." The introduction names this system as socialism which "will come as a result of the continuous increase of power to the working class".

It emphasised that Irish unity itself would be "insufficient": "After British withdrawal, political control without control of the wealth, economic and resources of the country is clearly insufficient. Republicans are intent on restoring the ownership of Ireland to the people of Ireland."

It said economic policies North and South are not capable of producing effective job creation, and that the only way to create full employment is through state investment and the development of workers co-operatives under community control. It opposed any increase in indirect taxation and favoured a progressive, more equitable tax system, which it did not detail. It advocated the establishment of state-run companies to make "maximum use of natural resources and raw materials"; the establishment of a state construction company; and public control over the credit and investment policies of commercial banks, pending full nationalisation.

This too was largely rhetorical and without much traction within the movement itself which then was focused primarily on what was known as "the long war" and establishing a political base by winning seats in Westminster and Leinster House.


'Sinn Féin Policy 1993'

By 1993 Sinn Féin was in "peace process" mode, although the IRA cessation did not take place until August 1994.

The 1993 policy document opened by describing Ireland as the most under-developed country in Europe, with the highest unemployment, emigration and poverty and least ability to create indigenous economic growth (this was to be transformed over the following few years). Its content focused on the development of the peace process: "how peace is established is the challenge and responsibility facing us all".

Its economic section opens with calls for "an all-Ireland democratic economic plan, the development of an integrated economic strategy through consultation with industry, trade unions, political representatives and local communities".

The earlier stuff about nationalisations was gone and said Sinn Féin wanted to present "a visionary and credible alternative based on decentralised socialism that would be realistic, flexible and adapted to the Irish people".

It opposed social welfare cuts, was critical of the EU Common Agricultural Policy (CAP), and called for the establishment of county development boards, rural development programmes, increased fisheries quotas and a state bank. (Previously the banks were to be nationalised.)


'EU Support for Irish Reunification, 2006'

Remember in 1970 Sinn Féin, or this version of it, was opposed to any truck with the European Economic Community (as it was then). Now the tone is one of celebration of EU participation. The 'EU Support for Irish Reunification', launched at the 2006 ard-fheis is placed entirely within a capitalist framework, although there are muted murmurings of discontent with "the increasing reliance on the market place and neo-liberal economics to allocate resources". It promises, vaguely, that "the governance of a united Ireland would be irresistibly driven" to address the need for greater indigenous-sector development.

It extols one of the most spectacular outgrowths of Ireland's recent capitalist history: "There has been an amazing growth of financial services associated with the International Financial Services Centre (IFSC) in Dublin.... A similar development, in its infancy, is spurring growth in Laganside."


'Sinn Féin Economic Policy Module 1, 2006'

This document also launched at the 2006 ard-fheis begins: "Sinn Féin is committed to building a united democratic and socialist republic" with a vision for Ireland based on "equality and social justice". It rejects inequality and reaffirms its commitment to ending partition and to the core republican objectives set out in the 1919 democratic programme. But there is no socialism, aside from the language. It encourages support for business and enterprise, while emphasising the need for fairer taxes and the positive redistribution of resources to eradicate poverty and social exclusion (but lots of vagueness). It recommends increased funding to entrepreneurial projects and more money for education and training. It recommends an increase in corporation tax from 12.5 to 17.5 per cent and while "much needed wider progressive taxes" are called for, it does not go in to detail on them. It proposes a "programme of increased public spending and social spending to redistribute wealth". Hardly much different from the rhetoric of any of the other political parties.

The prospect of government office and power, especially in the South, has domesticated Sinn Féin. Bertie Ahern would have little difficulty in "discovering" policy convergence between it and Fianna Fáil if he needs to after the next election.p

Additional reporting by Harry Browne