Post by Papa C. on Mar 26, 2008 22:52:31 GMT
Interview with Terry O'hEarcain
(IRSP GB Co-ordinator)
Conducted By Damien Gaffney
(For The Irish World)
Q1. Your party�s name is synonymous with the word feud. How can you assure the public that you have buried the past along with your dead and that you are not going to start killing one and other as soon as a dispute erupts in your party ?
A1. Firstly, let me refute that the name IRSP is synonymous with the word �feud�. There has never been a �feud� within the IRSP. There is and always has been only one IRSP - can any other current or former �republican� party say this? Indeed when it comes to gun-related fatalities linked to so-called INLA disputes - they statistically pale compared to those deaths caused during repeated Official V Provisional IRA feuds.
I would be the first to state that there has been many a political disagreement within the IRSP and undoubtedly more to come. Divergent opinions on how to tackle issues confronting the Irish working-class will always emerge from within a vibrant revolutionary party. That is progressive, healthy it is to be welcomed as it ensures against stagnation.
One of the first tasks of the current Ard Comhairle was to install democratic mechanisms that safeguard the right to critically analyse and debate fully difference of opinion on policy or strategy within the IRSP. That said, we recognise the problems of perception concerning the INLA. Physical attacks upon that organisation, most notably in 1987 and in 1996, created an impression that here we had an guerrilla army prone to �feuding�. However, it is important to separate fact from fiction here, contrived media hype and wilful contortion went a long way to formulate this impression. Any vaguely impartial observer only has to look at the nature and basis behind these attacks to recognise the hand of the state at work in classic counter revolutionary tactics.
From their (the British and Irish establishment�s) position it makes practical sense to take measures that will frustrate if not destroy the building of a strong cohesive revolutionary socialist movement. We have witnessed and suffered these sustained counter-revolutionary attacks from the inception of the Republican Socialist Movement in 1974. There will be more to come.
Q2. The Republican support groups in Britain are largely aligned to Sinn Fein, the main one of these being the Troops out movement, despite many of them politically closer to you. Can we presume that you are making efforts to court this support and what success have you had?
A2. You are correct, a number of republican support groups are aligned with SF. Sinn Fein represent the largest militant nationalist organisation in Ireland and will on that basis attract a core support from within the traditionalist Irish community. The absence of an IRSP Structure in Britain from the mid 1980�s has meant that there has been no socialist republican alternative. This meant that radical elements of those in support of British withdrawal and the creation of a 32 county socialist republic had no other alternative other than to affiliate with existing Irish republican groups i.e. pro-Sine Fein support groups. That was a situation that greatly concerned us. So much so that the Ard Comhairle brought forward existing plans to re-organise the IRSP in Britain.
The IRSP are now here to provide that radical alternative and we have been greatly encouraged by the response we have been getting from not only existing support networks but more especially from Irish youth previously uninvolved in the politics of their community in Britain and the broader struggle back home.
Q3. Your recent statements have all contained thinly veiled attacks on the Sinn Fein leadership. Why is this, what do you hope to achieve by it, and are you on a minor collision course the Provisional Republicans ?
A3. Let me state that we have not made any �thinly veiled attacks on the Sinn Fein leadership�. The IRSP have and will continue to make direct and unambiguous criticisms of a Sinn Fein leadership that has made, in our opinion, a series of strategic and tactical blunders. From September 1994 the IRSP are on record as being critical of what we recognised to be a flawed and ill thought out Sinn Fein peace plan. That remains the case today.
We recognise and salute the imaginative step taken by the IRA in attempting to find a non-violent way to resolve the British problem in our country. However, to enter into a unilateral cease-fire on the say-so of John Hume, Albert Reynolds and Bill Clinton without any guarantees of reciprocation from the British, was for a republican organisation, an act of madness.
Most certainly �tactical unarmed strategy� has to be attempted and if proven positive promoted. But following the IRA cease-fire where was Sinn Fein's unarmed strategy? Instead the same old elitism came clearly through. When it comes to the mobilisation of the people - the party and the message remains the same. During the 25 years of war it was "stay at home the �boys� will win your freedom for you". Then in 1994 it became �trust us, stay at home we will win freedom through cease-fire for you�.
As revolutionary socialist republicans, the mobilisation of the Irish working class in pursuit of their liberation is foremost in our strategy - hence our current attempts to create an alternative to the 'pacification process'. In effect a 'plan B'.
As to us being on a minor collision course. If by telling it like we see it causes annoyance or creates friction with provisional Sinn Fein - then so be it. The freedom of our country and class is not the sole preserve of any one group of individuals.
Q4. Have you had talks at any level with Sinn Fein and what is the current state of play between you. The IRSP has been calling for a republican forum. How close to agreement, if even anywhere near it, are you with Sinn Fein on this matter ?
A4. To date we have had no official talks with Sinn Fein at any level. This is a regrettable situation and not one of our making. As comrades engaged in a common struggle we wish to see better co-operation. The same co-operation and solidarity evident during the H-Block campaign, when INLA and IRA volunteers stood together and died together in defiance of Thatcher's attempt to criminalise our POW's and struggle.
We stand by the call made by one of our founding members, Seamus Costello, over two decades ago. We firmly believe in the creation of a broad anti-imperialist front to force British disengagement from our country. As you have stated we have called for a conference to analyse republican involvement in the �peace process�. We also aim through this conference to see the creation of a republican forum. To this end we will continue to attempt to engage Sinn Fein in talks aimed at correcting and unifying the republican position.
Q5. You have recently mounted an extensive publicity campaign in Britain after a long period of silence. While this is common after a period of reorganisation, isn�t it the case that you are the same old IRSP in new clothes and not the New Irps, you are trying to present. What has changed and why should people trust you ?
A5. The re-organisation of the IRSP in Britain is at a very early stage. Having said this one of the first activities of the London branch was to uncover and expose the brutal murder of IRA volunteer Diarmuid O�Neill. The IRSP fully intend to involve ourselves in every aspect of issues facing the Irish community living here - from housing to the brutal beating to death of Richard O�Brien by the police. The IRSP will be clearly heard. It is our intention to break the silence, the fear of the PTA and �smearing� of Irish people with terrorist, that keeps the Irish organisations mute in the face of discrimination, verbal abuse and physical attack. As well as this we will be working with and forging links with other ethnic, minority, cultural and liberation groups and movements.
Q6. What is your position on the loyalist fringe parties. You are a fringe party when it comes down to it. Have you or will you be talking to them ?
A6. The fringe Loyalist parties are an interesting anomaly within the unionist tradition. I would put it no stronger than that. Irish history has thrown up various manifestations of working class Protestant party�s these are but the latest. At best they are what Connolly would call Walkerite �gas and water� socialists (always with a big portrait of HRH Elizabeth behind their spokesmen....monarchist / socialists??! ! ) At worst they are Strasserite Brown shirts. We share the position of 'no platform for fascists' and by extension would be opposed to the various British and Irish left groups providing a rostrum from where these people can portray themselves as 'progressives'.
Part of ensuring that contrived sectarian conflict is avoided between working-class communities dictates that talks with those engaged in the conflicts is necessary. The IRSP have already stated that we would engage in talks with fringe party representatives, however no such face to face meetings have taken place to date.
Q7. Most of the people you are talking to here are from the Republic, and may not have any interest in the North. What have you to offer them ?
A7. While the IRSP are mainly known for our involvement in the National liberation struggle, we are an avowedly revolutionary socialist party. We aim to see the creation of a 32 county socialist republic. Towards that end we see the development of the IRSP within the 26 counties as one of the most important tasks confronting our Leadership.
The Irish labour, Democratic left and Workers party�s mirror their liberal and social democrat sister party�s across Europe they have deserted the under privileged and working class people. The IRSP are currently to the fore of the anti-drugs campaign in inner city Dublin. We are involved in attempting to bring about an Irish claimants union to militate the demands of the unemployed. We are involved at every level of the class struggle. There is a need for a truly revolutionary socialist party in Ireland, we aim to be it.
Q8. Being based in Britain you will of course be aware of the mass opposition there is to the IRA violence in this country from the Irish community. While some of them may feel strongly on the peace process they don�t want the place being blown up around them. Do you condemn IRA bombs in London - if not what do you have to say about them and how do you intend selling yourself to the Irish community when in fact are also a party with a military shadow ?
A8, Is there mass opposition to republican military operations in Britain within the Irish community? I think that that is a very subjective viewpoint. A few well heeled �pillars� of the Irish establishment in Britain go on TV and bleat about how ashamed they are (The same people who remain noticeably silent when Irish people in Britain are bludgeoned and shot to death by the police). The fact that there aren�t mass demonstrations calling for more bombings doesn�t in itself mean that there is not widespread understanding and support for the continuance of actions against the British state.
The IRSP make no apologies for who we are and what we represent. The British maintain control of part of our country through use of military force. That is an incontrovertible fact. Have they shown themselves open to be persuaded by anything other than physical force?? One only has to look at their lack of response to 18 months of an IRA cease-fire see that this is true. So do not look to us to condemn or excuse republican military actions. We say get the British war machine out of Ireland and end all violence.
Q9. So you say you�ve got 50 or so members. Very good. Who are these people, how do you vet them and are you sure that unlike other republican groups here you aren�t riddled with MI5 part timers ?
A9. You�ll understand if I do not go into great detail concerning the membership of the IRSP in Britain. It is not that we are not a completely open political party - we have to consider the safety of our membership. Suffice to say that we have a wide and varied makeup from unemployed labourers through social workers to union shop stewards. Any socialist republican over the age of 17 is more than welcome to join our ranks. Being Irish, or from an Irish background is not necessary, indeed many of our current members aren�t.
In relation to MI5 infiltration, what can I say? We have an ongoing security vetting procedure for applicants. However it is unrealistic not to expect attempts at monitoring and infiltration from the British intelligence services. That is the nature of the beast. As I have said we are a completely open political party with no hidden or sinister agenda. Therefore, there is very little extra they could learn from infiltration that they couldn�t glean from reading our statements and literature.
Q10. What is your approach on the British general election. Have you any plans and who would you urge the Irish community to vote for?
A10. The IRSP would call upon the Irish community in Britain to flex their considerable electoral muscle. To us there is no difference between the Tory and �new� Labour party of Tony Blair. The Irish community must make the situation at home a central electoral issue with their sitting MPs. Preferably the Irish vote should go to Socialist Labour Party candidates. The bottom line should be, do they endorse and will they openly work for the withdrawal of British troops and self determination for the Irish people as a whole? if they won�t then don�t give them your vote.
web.archive.org/web/20000823132609/irsm.org/irsp_britain/
(IRSP GB Co-ordinator)
Conducted By Damien Gaffney
(For The Irish World)
Q1. Your party�s name is synonymous with the word feud. How can you assure the public that you have buried the past along with your dead and that you are not going to start killing one and other as soon as a dispute erupts in your party ?
A1. Firstly, let me refute that the name IRSP is synonymous with the word �feud�. There has never been a �feud� within the IRSP. There is and always has been only one IRSP - can any other current or former �republican� party say this? Indeed when it comes to gun-related fatalities linked to so-called INLA disputes - they statistically pale compared to those deaths caused during repeated Official V Provisional IRA feuds.
I would be the first to state that there has been many a political disagreement within the IRSP and undoubtedly more to come. Divergent opinions on how to tackle issues confronting the Irish working-class will always emerge from within a vibrant revolutionary party. That is progressive, healthy it is to be welcomed as it ensures against stagnation.
One of the first tasks of the current Ard Comhairle was to install democratic mechanisms that safeguard the right to critically analyse and debate fully difference of opinion on policy or strategy within the IRSP. That said, we recognise the problems of perception concerning the INLA. Physical attacks upon that organisation, most notably in 1987 and in 1996, created an impression that here we had an guerrilla army prone to �feuding�. However, it is important to separate fact from fiction here, contrived media hype and wilful contortion went a long way to formulate this impression. Any vaguely impartial observer only has to look at the nature and basis behind these attacks to recognise the hand of the state at work in classic counter revolutionary tactics.
From their (the British and Irish establishment�s) position it makes practical sense to take measures that will frustrate if not destroy the building of a strong cohesive revolutionary socialist movement. We have witnessed and suffered these sustained counter-revolutionary attacks from the inception of the Republican Socialist Movement in 1974. There will be more to come.
Q2. The Republican support groups in Britain are largely aligned to Sinn Fein, the main one of these being the Troops out movement, despite many of them politically closer to you. Can we presume that you are making efforts to court this support and what success have you had?
A2. You are correct, a number of republican support groups are aligned with SF. Sinn Fein represent the largest militant nationalist organisation in Ireland and will on that basis attract a core support from within the traditionalist Irish community. The absence of an IRSP Structure in Britain from the mid 1980�s has meant that there has been no socialist republican alternative. This meant that radical elements of those in support of British withdrawal and the creation of a 32 county socialist republic had no other alternative other than to affiliate with existing Irish republican groups i.e. pro-Sine Fein support groups. That was a situation that greatly concerned us. So much so that the Ard Comhairle brought forward existing plans to re-organise the IRSP in Britain.
The IRSP are now here to provide that radical alternative and we have been greatly encouraged by the response we have been getting from not only existing support networks but more especially from Irish youth previously uninvolved in the politics of their community in Britain and the broader struggle back home.
Q3. Your recent statements have all contained thinly veiled attacks on the Sinn Fein leadership. Why is this, what do you hope to achieve by it, and are you on a minor collision course the Provisional Republicans ?
A3. Let me state that we have not made any �thinly veiled attacks on the Sinn Fein leadership�. The IRSP have and will continue to make direct and unambiguous criticisms of a Sinn Fein leadership that has made, in our opinion, a series of strategic and tactical blunders. From September 1994 the IRSP are on record as being critical of what we recognised to be a flawed and ill thought out Sinn Fein peace plan. That remains the case today.
We recognise and salute the imaginative step taken by the IRA in attempting to find a non-violent way to resolve the British problem in our country. However, to enter into a unilateral cease-fire on the say-so of John Hume, Albert Reynolds and Bill Clinton without any guarantees of reciprocation from the British, was for a republican organisation, an act of madness.
Most certainly �tactical unarmed strategy� has to be attempted and if proven positive promoted. But following the IRA cease-fire where was Sinn Fein's unarmed strategy? Instead the same old elitism came clearly through. When it comes to the mobilisation of the people - the party and the message remains the same. During the 25 years of war it was "stay at home the �boys� will win your freedom for you". Then in 1994 it became �trust us, stay at home we will win freedom through cease-fire for you�.
As revolutionary socialist republicans, the mobilisation of the Irish working class in pursuit of their liberation is foremost in our strategy - hence our current attempts to create an alternative to the 'pacification process'. In effect a 'plan B'.
As to us being on a minor collision course. If by telling it like we see it causes annoyance or creates friction with provisional Sinn Fein - then so be it. The freedom of our country and class is not the sole preserve of any one group of individuals.
Q4. Have you had talks at any level with Sinn Fein and what is the current state of play between you. The IRSP has been calling for a republican forum. How close to agreement, if even anywhere near it, are you with Sinn Fein on this matter ?
A4. To date we have had no official talks with Sinn Fein at any level. This is a regrettable situation and not one of our making. As comrades engaged in a common struggle we wish to see better co-operation. The same co-operation and solidarity evident during the H-Block campaign, when INLA and IRA volunteers stood together and died together in defiance of Thatcher's attempt to criminalise our POW's and struggle.
We stand by the call made by one of our founding members, Seamus Costello, over two decades ago. We firmly believe in the creation of a broad anti-imperialist front to force British disengagement from our country. As you have stated we have called for a conference to analyse republican involvement in the �peace process�. We also aim through this conference to see the creation of a republican forum. To this end we will continue to attempt to engage Sinn Fein in talks aimed at correcting and unifying the republican position.
Q5. You have recently mounted an extensive publicity campaign in Britain after a long period of silence. While this is common after a period of reorganisation, isn�t it the case that you are the same old IRSP in new clothes and not the New Irps, you are trying to present. What has changed and why should people trust you ?
A5. The re-organisation of the IRSP in Britain is at a very early stage. Having said this one of the first activities of the London branch was to uncover and expose the brutal murder of IRA volunteer Diarmuid O�Neill. The IRSP fully intend to involve ourselves in every aspect of issues facing the Irish community living here - from housing to the brutal beating to death of Richard O�Brien by the police. The IRSP will be clearly heard. It is our intention to break the silence, the fear of the PTA and �smearing� of Irish people with terrorist, that keeps the Irish organisations mute in the face of discrimination, verbal abuse and physical attack. As well as this we will be working with and forging links with other ethnic, minority, cultural and liberation groups and movements.
Q6. What is your position on the loyalist fringe parties. You are a fringe party when it comes down to it. Have you or will you be talking to them ?
A6. The fringe Loyalist parties are an interesting anomaly within the unionist tradition. I would put it no stronger than that. Irish history has thrown up various manifestations of working class Protestant party�s these are but the latest. At best they are what Connolly would call Walkerite �gas and water� socialists (always with a big portrait of HRH Elizabeth behind their spokesmen....monarchist / socialists??! ! ) At worst they are Strasserite Brown shirts. We share the position of 'no platform for fascists' and by extension would be opposed to the various British and Irish left groups providing a rostrum from where these people can portray themselves as 'progressives'.
Part of ensuring that contrived sectarian conflict is avoided between working-class communities dictates that talks with those engaged in the conflicts is necessary. The IRSP have already stated that we would engage in talks with fringe party representatives, however no such face to face meetings have taken place to date.
Q7. Most of the people you are talking to here are from the Republic, and may not have any interest in the North. What have you to offer them ?
A7. While the IRSP are mainly known for our involvement in the National liberation struggle, we are an avowedly revolutionary socialist party. We aim to see the creation of a 32 county socialist republic. Towards that end we see the development of the IRSP within the 26 counties as one of the most important tasks confronting our Leadership.
The Irish labour, Democratic left and Workers party�s mirror their liberal and social democrat sister party�s across Europe they have deserted the under privileged and working class people. The IRSP are currently to the fore of the anti-drugs campaign in inner city Dublin. We are involved in attempting to bring about an Irish claimants union to militate the demands of the unemployed. We are involved at every level of the class struggle. There is a need for a truly revolutionary socialist party in Ireland, we aim to be it.
Q8. Being based in Britain you will of course be aware of the mass opposition there is to the IRA violence in this country from the Irish community. While some of them may feel strongly on the peace process they don�t want the place being blown up around them. Do you condemn IRA bombs in London - if not what do you have to say about them and how do you intend selling yourself to the Irish community when in fact are also a party with a military shadow ?
A8, Is there mass opposition to republican military operations in Britain within the Irish community? I think that that is a very subjective viewpoint. A few well heeled �pillars� of the Irish establishment in Britain go on TV and bleat about how ashamed they are (The same people who remain noticeably silent when Irish people in Britain are bludgeoned and shot to death by the police). The fact that there aren�t mass demonstrations calling for more bombings doesn�t in itself mean that there is not widespread understanding and support for the continuance of actions against the British state.
The IRSP make no apologies for who we are and what we represent. The British maintain control of part of our country through use of military force. That is an incontrovertible fact. Have they shown themselves open to be persuaded by anything other than physical force?? One only has to look at their lack of response to 18 months of an IRA cease-fire see that this is true. So do not look to us to condemn or excuse republican military actions. We say get the British war machine out of Ireland and end all violence.
Q9. So you say you�ve got 50 or so members. Very good. Who are these people, how do you vet them and are you sure that unlike other republican groups here you aren�t riddled with MI5 part timers ?
A9. You�ll understand if I do not go into great detail concerning the membership of the IRSP in Britain. It is not that we are not a completely open political party - we have to consider the safety of our membership. Suffice to say that we have a wide and varied makeup from unemployed labourers through social workers to union shop stewards. Any socialist republican over the age of 17 is more than welcome to join our ranks. Being Irish, or from an Irish background is not necessary, indeed many of our current members aren�t.
In relation to MI5 infiltration, what can I say? We have an ongoing security vetting procedure for applicants. However it is unrealistic not to expect attempts at monitoring and infiltration from the British intelligence services. That is the nature of the beast. As I have said we are a completely open political party with no hidden or sinister agenda. Therefore, there is very little extra they could learn from infiltration that they couldn�t glean from reading our statements and literature.
Q10. What is your approach on the British general election. Have you any plans and who would you urge the Irish community to vote for?
A10. The IRSP would call upon the Irish community in Britain to flex their considerable electoral muscle. To us there is no difference between the Tory and �new� Labour party of Tony Blair. The Irish community must make the situation at home a central electoral issue with their sitting MPs. Preferably the Irish vote should go to Socialist Labour Party candidates. The bottom line should be, do they endorse and will they openly work for the withdrawal of British troops and self determination for the Irish people as a whole? if they won�t then don�t give them your vote.
web.archive.org/web/20000823132609/irsm.org/irsp_britain/
