Post by RedFlag32 on Aug 21, 2007 20:33:30 GMT
[Delivered at 'Alternative Processes' meeting on Saturday, 18th of August in An Culturlann, Belfast]
a chairde,
I would like to begin by thanking the organizers of today’s event. Hopefully this small step in debating and analysing the present situation here will have repercussions beyond this room. With that in mind, I’ll briefly surmise the politics of the Republican Socialist Youth Movement.
It is our view that Republicanism had suffered a staggering defeat. The blame lies not with Adams or McGuinness but at the door of the British government. From early on, the British government were very aware of their role in Ireland and what was necessary to reach an agreement which would solidify Stormont at a later date. As early as 1972, the British government had reached a consensus that they would need individuals prominent within Sinn Féin today to be part of this internal settlement and to work it but individuals whom the British considered "inflexible" such as Daithí Ó Conaill and Ruairí Ó Bradaigh would have to be marginalised.
The Good Friday Agreement is an internal and colonial settlement to the constitutional question here in Ireland. It is a sectarian agreement that institutionalises and has heightened sectarianism. This is illustrated by the fact there are more 'peace walls' at present than prior to the agreement. It was presented to Loyalists as a strengthening of the union and to Republicans as a stepping stone to a united Ireland. The former is certainly true - the GFA enshrines the Unionist veto and contains no mechanism for the attainment of a united Ireland.
It is our belief and our desire that this setback can be overcome, it is very clear that Sinn Féin wish to satisfy the broad nationalist electorate, they have embarked on this process by successfully emulating the politics of the SDLP. However, any Republican position we put forward at this time should be on a clear, open and honest political basis, it is our opinion there are no conditions for armed struggle at present. Likewise, no basis exists at present for decommissioning - as long as the state retains their army, we'll have ours too.
The premise that the present political process will persuade Unionists of the virtues of a united Ireland is largely based upon a falsehood. The Unionist outreach we see at the moment is an appeal to the most reactionary sections of Unionism, it has been tried before by Michael Collins when he was TD for Armagh and failed miserably. It is no surprise that the DUP can go into government easily with Sinn Féin, when the national question is taken out of the equation it's very clear there are no fundamental economic differences in Sinn Féin and DUP policy.
Since the Good Friday Agreement was signed in 1998, sectarian incidents have increased significantly with academic research coming from Queens University and elsewhere suggesting that it could be as far away as 2030 before any meaningful change develops concerning the segregation of working class communities - this is a far cry from ‘a united Ireland by 2016’. It is true that we can’t bomb and shoot our way into a united Ireland. Certainly in the case of the RSM, that wouldn't be our intention.
It was often asked during the policing debates for Republicans to outline their alternative. We did so but the resounding attitude and subsequent raising of the same question can only be considered to be carefully choreographed act aimed at suggesting that we lack any real politics. The alternative is very simple. Policing is inherently political. The duty of any police force is to uphold the capitalist state and the right of private property. No Republican or Socialist worthy of the name can accept a police force of that nature. We believe that the state should continue to be resisted, capitalism and partition can offer no solution to the plight of ordinary working class people.
Seán McGowan.
Republican Socialist Youth Movement.
a chairde,
I would like to begin by thanking the organizers of today’s event. Hopefully this small step in debating and analysing the present situation here will have repercussions beyond this room. With that in mind, I’ll briefly surmise the politics of the Republican Socialist Youth Movement.
It is our view that Republicanism had suffered a staggering defeat. The blame lies not with Adams or McGuinness but at the door of the British government. From early on, the British government were very aware of their role in Ireland and what was necessary to reach an agreement which would solidify Stormont at a later date. As early as 1972, the British government had reached a consensus that they would need individuals prominent within Sinn Féin today to be part of this internal settlement and to work it but individuals whom the British considered "inflexible" such as Daithí Ó Conaill and Ruairí Ó Bradaigh would have to be marginalised.
The Good Friday Agreement is an internal and colonial settlement to the constitutional question here in Ireland. It is a sectarian agreement that institutionalises and has heightened sectarianism. This is illustrated by the fact there are more 'peace walls' at present than prior to the agreement. It was presented to Loyalists as a strengthening of the union and to Republicans as a stepping stone to a united Ireland. The former is certainly true - the GFA enshrines the Unionist veto and contains no mechanism for the attainment of a united Ireland.
It is our belief and our desire that this setback can be overcome, it is very clear that Sinn Féin wish to satisfy the broad nationalist electorate, they have embarked on this process by successfully emulating the politics of the SDLP. However, any Republican position we put forward at this time should be on a clear, open and honest political basis, it is our opinion there are no conditions for armed struggle at present. Likewise, no basis exists at present for decommissioning - as long as the state retains their army, we'll have ours too.
The premise that the present political process will persuade Unionists of the virtues of a united Ireland is largely based upon a falsehood. The Unionist outreach we see at the moment is an appeal to the most reactionary sections of Unionism, it has been tried before by Michael Collins when he was TD for Armagh and failed miserably. It is no surprise that the DUP can go into government easily with Sinn Féin, when the national question is taken out of the equation it's very clear there are no fundamental economic differences in Sinn Féin and DUP policy.
Since the Good Friday Agreement was signed in 1998, sectarian incidents have increased significantly with academic research coming from Queens University and elsewhere suggesting that it could be as far away as 2030 before any meaningful change develops concerning the segregation of working class communities - this is a far cry from ‘a united Ireland by 2016’. It is true that we can’t bomb and shoot our way into a united Ireland. Certainly in the case of the RSM, that wouldn't be our intention.
It was often asked during the policing debates for Republicans to outline their alternative. We did so but the resounding attitude and subsequent raising of the same question can only be considered to be carefully choreographed act aimed at suggesting that we lack any real politics. The alternative is very simple. Policing is inherently political. The duty of any police force is to uphold the capitalist state and the right of private property. No Republican or Socialist worthy of the name can accept a police force of that nature. We believe that the state should continue to be resisted, capitalism and partition can offer no solution to the plight of ordinary working class people.
Seán McGowan.
Republican Socialist Youth Movement.